Inside the Majdi N. Trial #9: Majdi N.'s Interrogation on Personality

TRIAL OF MAJDI N. 

Court of Assize – Paris, France

Trial Monitoring Summary #9 

Hearing Date: May 6, 2025 

CAUTION: Some testimony may include graphic descriptions of torture, rape or other violent acts.    

Note that this summary is not a verbatim transcript of the trial; it is merely an unofficial summary of the proceedings.    

Throughout this summary, [information located in brackets are notes from our trial monitor] and “information placed in quotes are statements made by the witness, judges or counsel.” The names and identifying information of witnesses have been redacted.   

[Note: SJAC provides a summary of the proceedings while redacting certain details to protect witness privacy and to preserve the integrity of the trial.] 

[Note: Rather than publishing the trial reports of the Majdi N. case in chronological order, SJAC has organized them thematically and coherently based on the content of the hearings, making the material more accessible by highlighting key issues and connections across the proceedings.]

SJAC’s 9^th trial monitoring report details a part of day 4 (afternoon) of the trial of Majdi N. in Paris, France. On this trial day, Majdi N. was interrogated on his personality. Regarding his family history, he detailed the role played by lawyer and activist Razan Zeitouneh in the defense of his brother F4, who was detained at Sednaya prison from 2006 to 2011. Majdi N. explained that he later worked on the case of Razan Zeitouneh’s disappearance to incriminate Jaysh Al-Islam and that was the reason why he had so many documents about her on his computer. Majdi N. also mentioned his brother F6, who became Chief of Staff for F7, who was himself director of the High Negotiations Committee الهيئة العليا للمفاوضات that was created at the Conference of Riyadh in 2015. Majdi N. also recounted his own detention under the Assad regime, first in Branch 227, and then his encounter with Zahran Alloush in the Palestinian Branch where they spent 45 days in the same cell in 2009. He further explained how he joined and defected from the Syrian military to then join Liwa Al-Islam. Before becoming spokesperson under the request of chief Zahran Alloush, Majdi N. related how he assisted the faction in taking over his former military unit (Unit 533). Majdi N. declared he left Eastern Ghouta on May 28, 2013, upon the request of Zahran Alloush.

Day 4 – May 6, 2025 

Afternoon Session

Proceedings resumed at 1:50 PM.

Majdi N. presented himself. He mentioned his arrest by the Syrian regime in March 2009 and the accusation against him of preparing a coup. He relayed that he was detained for nine days in Branch 227 before being transferred to the headquarters of Branch 235, where he met Zahran Alloush and other Syrian opponents with whom he formed strong friendships. After his release, he said that he was forced to join the army and was still there as the revolution began. He testified that he defected with about nine other men, emphasizing that he kept his weapons. He first joined Liwa Al-Baraa headed by [redacted name] F3 and then Liwa Al-Islam, where he became official spokesperson. Majdi N. declared that on May 28, 2013, he left Eastern Ghouta upon the request of Zahran Alloush.

Questioned by Presiding Judge Lavergne on his studies, Majdi N. explained that he studied Political Science and International Relations at Istanbul Aydin University. He was among the best students, and this academic success gave him access to many scholarships, including one offered by Hungary, which he described as “the top university in Budapest.” He studied in Hungary for one semester and took courses on minority rights and political game theory. Later, he traveled to France to conduct research on armed groups in Syria. He mentioned that he had prepared a research draft to present at a conference on international security which attracted many high-ranking participants, including the Argentine president, with whom he was supposed to meet. The conference was scheduled to take place two weeks after his arrest [in Marseille in January 2020]. He said that it was one of the most significant conferences, similar to the Munich Security Conference.

Presiding Judge Lavergne asked Majdi N. to stick to Arabic, and Majdi N. then said that the law allowed him to speak in the language that was most comfortable for him. Since “the world was against him,” he questioned why Presiding Judge Lavergne was not allowing him to exercise his rights. Presiding Judge Lavergne explained the interpreters were sworn in in Arabic. Counsel Kempf pointed out that this inability to consider complex linguistic paths was indicative of ethnocentrism, to which Presiding Judge Lavergne retorted, “Is it ethnocentrism to ask someone born in Syria to speak Arabic?" Majdi N. claimed these were exceptional conditions [شروط استثنائية] and emphasized that speaking in English allowed him direct access to the audience. Presiding Judge Lavergne then asked Majdi N. if he considered him (the Presiding Judge) partial, to which Majdi N. replied it was too early to judge.

Presiding Judge Lavergne then inquired about the significance of the Accused’s names and kunya [Arabic nickname, in this case referring to Islam Alloush]. Shifting to his Syrian origins dating back 600 years, Majdi N. stressed his family had ties in Idlib. His father had one sister, and his mother had around 20 siblings. Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, he said his father was not involved in political or religious movements. He later clarified that his whole family was opposed to the regime while not being politically active.

Questioned about his siblings, Majdi N. said he was the fifth of six siblings and was born in Saudi Arabia. He added that his older sister [redacted name] who still lives in Saudi Arabia is the mother of [redacted name] F5, whom Majdi N. lived with in Antioch [أنطاكية]. As for his older brother [redacted name] F4, the Accused indicated he was a surgeon in Egypt and had been detained for five years in Sednaya, during the time the massacres had occurred.

There was a break in Majdi N.’s testimony for the testimony of expert [redacted name] E2 [See Trial Report #7].

Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. said his mother had a bachelor’s degree in history and geography from the University of Aleppo, which was unusual for a woman at that time.

Shifting back to F4’s detention, Majdi N. explained Sednaya was among the worst prisons in Syria and described a form of torture where people were placed alive inside a press. He said that thousands died this way. In 2006, Majdi N. recounted, many opponents and Islamists were arrested. Among them was his brother F4 who was arrested on February 23, 2006 and accused of weakening the sense of national identity [الشعور الوطني], and then released in February 2011. Majdi N. stressed that a revolt against torture methods broke out inside the prison. He explained that one type of torture was used to extract information while the other was purely for the sake of revenge and continued even after prisoners had confessed. Sednaya detainees could no longer bear such treatment and took control of the prison, taking 1,400 hostages among the jailers. The prison remained under their control for nine months. F4 was among the detainees. Majdi N. believed that around 70 prisoners died during this time. Questioned by Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. added that his family learnt F4 was in Sednaya a year and a half after his arrest. In 2008, before the revolt began, he and his parents visited him in prison.

Presiding Judge Lavergne then referred to the lawyer Razan Zeitouneh, and Majdi N. confirmed she had assisted his brother F4. Presiding Judge Lavergne detailed Ms. Zeitouneh’s role in the revolution, and Civil Parties’ Counsel Bailly emphasized she had most likely been abducted by Jaysh Al-Islam. Majdi N. explained that a “lawyer” did not have the same role in Syria as in France, stressing that it was considered the second worst country after North Korea in terms of human rights violations. Majdi N. specified that the regime did not acknowledge detaining anyone, so it was not possible for prisoners to have well-known lawyers defending them. To illustrate, Majdi N. explained that his brother needed a [government] document to justify his absence from university [to be able to register again after his release]. However, he could not get it, because it would have been an acknowledgment of the arrest.

The Higher State Security Court محكمة أمن الدولة العليا was responsible for judging political cases, Majdi N. continued, and the regime allowed a few lawyers to enter this court. Razan Zeitouneh was one of them. However, she could do nothing but report information about accusations or about the detention site, which was already a lot for people who were waiting for any signs of their loved ones. When people were judged by that court, Majdi N. explained, the detainee's family members waited outside, and only the lawyers were allowed access to the hearing rooms. He said that his family had not appointed Razan Zeitouneh, because no one could appoint a lawyer. It was the lawyers who came to the families after the hearings to give them information. Majdi N. was not there himself, but [after F4’s trial] Razan Zeitouneh spoke with his other brother [redacted name].

Presiding Judge Lavergne then read the abstract of Majdi N.’s interrogation by the Investigative Judge as it related to Razan Zeitouneh and the detention of his brother, which corresponded in part to what Majdi N. had just testified. In the interrogation, Majdi N. had also given an explanation on the reasons why he had so many documents about Razan Zeitouneh on his computer [which was seized by French police and added to the proceedings]: First, she was his brother’s lawyer; and second, he worked on her case because he wanted to incriminate Jaysh Al-Islam. Majdi N. had also stated that Razan Zeitouneh most likely never met his brother before the trial. The Investigative Judge had asked if his brother owed his release to Ms. Zeitouneh. Majdi N. had denied this, explaining that lawyers did not play any real role besides transmitting information. The Judge understood that Ms. Zeitouneh did not do much for his brother, which the Accused confirmed, stressing that in Syria, it was already a significant achievement for lawyers to enter the court and try to defend detainees.

Shifting back to the massacre of Sednaya, Majdi N. specified that F4 survived because he oversaw the medical section, and when the revolt broke out, he took care of both the hostages and the prisoners. So, he was not killed. Majdi N. estimated there were around 6000 detainees at that time, and among them, F4 had met [redacted name] and his brother. Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. added that F4 did not meet Zahran Alloush at that time, but later.

Presiding Judge Lavergne pointed out that Majdi N.’s military service differed from that of an ordinary Syrian, since he received a training in intelligence at a military academy and became a specialist in communications. Majdi N. indicated the training lasted six months, of which 45 days were spent in Homs and the rest in Douma. Presiding Judge Lavergne explained that the unit he belonged to was responsible for the maintenance and repair of all communications equipment—even at the national level, which Majdi N. confirmed. He added that the unit was even referred to as the “Syrian Army’s base.” Presiding Judge Lavergne then asked if as part of these maintenance-related activities, he traveled to Unit 542 of Kherbeh خربة [probably in Homs governorate]. Majdi N. again confirmed, explaining this military unit was a very large warehouse containing the telecommunications infrastructure on which all of Syria depended. Majdi N. himself was a member of Unit 533 and recounted he was the English interpreter for Iranian experts who came to assist in issues related to new communication systems, most often military radio communications. Majdi N. asserted the task of his unit was not to carry out interceptions but to ensure communication between different military units.

Presiding Judge Lavergne wondered if Majdi N.’s military supervisors knew about the detention of his brother F4, which the Accused ignored. According to him, the regime was stupid – they allowed him to take leave during Christian holidays, as his name was also common among Christians.

Majdi N. said his brother F4 was able to resume his studies only three years after his release, around 2014, because he could not obtain the document justifying his absence. He first moved to Daraa and then to Turkey, and Majdi N. reported to have met him again in Istanbul around 2017 or 2018.

Presiding Judge Lavergne inquired about Majdi N.’s second brother [redacted name] F10, and the Accused specified that F10 now worked in mechatronics. Until 2009-2010, F10 had served in the Mukhabarat in the Air Force Intelligence branch of Suwayda as part of his military service. He then left Syria for Turkey around 2013. His other brother [redacted name] F6 was a dentist. F6 had lived in Damascus at the beginning of the revolution and then moved to Istanbul, where he became Chief of Staff for [redacted name] F7. Majdi N. explained that F7 had become director of the High Negotiations Committee that was created at the Conference of Riyadh in 2015. As such, he was in charge of negotiations between Syrian opposition delegations and the regime. The committee took part in the Geneva conferences [peace negotiations between the Syrian government and the opposition in Geneva under the auspices of the UN]. At that time, Majdi N. and his brother F6 were almost living together. Since Majdi N. was a friend of F7, he was the one who had proposed his brother F6 for the position. Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. added that F7 did not act as a representative of Jaysh Al-Islam, explaining that at the Conference of Riyadh, all factions gathered and elected a delegation [to represent them all], and had given this mandate to F7.

Questioned about the rest of his family, Majdi N. indicated that his little sister was a computer engineer, and his parents lived in Istanbul. He added that his mother had cancer, which prevented them both from traveling.

When asked about his schooling, Majdi N. said he was a good student and had attended a high school for the intellectual elite in Idlib and obtained his baccalaureate certificate in 2005–2006at the age of 18. He then left Idlib to the city of Jdaydet Artooz جديدة عرطوز, where he studied at the medicine institute of Damascus University. He reported having worked in a pharmacy at that time and running a café, a game room, and a restaurant. Majdi N. added he first joined a geology curriculum before switching to medicine.

Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. said he was arrested in 2009 with his brother [redacted name] and an Alawi friend for reported political activities [أنشطة سياسية] he had between 2006 and 2009. He was part of a students’ group at university where they discussed politics and [criticized] the regime. Majdi N. believed they were arrested because the group was composed of one Christian, one Alawi, one Druze, and three Sunnis, and the Syrian regime marginalized intellectuals and communities. Majdi N. reported that, upon his arrest, the intelligence services questioned him about his brother F4.

Presiding Judge Lavergne wondered why he was under surveillance before his arrest. Majdi N. believed it could have been because of his statements. He recounted that his apprehenders had blocked the entire area, stationed snipers, and then burst into the house with machine guns, and took the computer. He stated the regional investigation branch, so-called Branch 227, was behind his arrest. He indicated that his Alawi friend was the son of the Head of Sa'sa' سعسع Intelligence Branch, a very important branch responsible for intelligence operations directed towards Israel. Majdi N. related he was released after only 60 hours thanks to this Alawi friend. Rustum Ghazaleh, head of [military] intelligence [in Rif Dimashq, or Rural Damascus] reportedly intervened for their release. Afterwards, Majdi N. had to report in [مراجعة] at Branch 227 every day for a month.

Majdi N. related that, during detention, he was interrogated by the general who headed Branch 227 and tortured. Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. defined torture as an attempt on physical and psychological integrity. Presiding Judge Lavergne then gave the legal definition, that torture was the infliction of severe and acute suffering on someone, and added that for it to be punishable, it must be carried out by a state agent. Presiding Judge Lavergne asked Majdi N. if he was subjected to such suffering during the interrogations, which the Accused confirmed.

Majdi N. explained that he was held in a cell located three floors underground and was severely affected by the cold. He was forbidden from having warm clothes or blankets and had to lie directly on the ground. He remained there for 216 hours. Every day, he would tremble from the cold. There was no light; he couldn’t even see his own fingers. The food was inedible, and access to toilets was allowed only once every six hours, and only for one minute. During interrogations, Majdi N. reported he was blindfolded and barefoot.

After nine days, he was transferred to the Palestine Branch, or Branch 235, particularly to the ‘Office of Espionage مكتب التجسس.’ In this Branch, Majdi N. recalled more sophisticated interrogation methods. He referenced Rifaat Al-Assad’s chief of staff who was detained there and was made to remain standing for six months, until his veins burst. Majdi N. declared to have suffered aftereffects, such as bone pain, for two years.

Questioned about his encounter with Zahran Alloush in the Palestinian Branch, Majdi N. said Zahran Alloush was one of the most brilliant minds he knew. Like him, Zahran Alloush was accused of spying for the Americans. Majdi N. and Zahran Alloush spent 45 days together in the same cell with 40 other people, after which the Accused was released. Majdi N. reported their mutual admiration and considered him a great religious scholar. Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. said Zahran Alloush never had a political project but was ready to die for the idea of religious freedom. Majdi N. clarified that Zahran Alloush was detained because he preached and believed that preventing him from doing so was an attack on his religion.

Majdi N. explained that punishment was very light, less than a year, when someone committed an offense alone, even if the person was a Salafi jihadist. But when the offense was committed by two people, the sentence exceeded one year. In his case, he was alone, which is why he spent only a short time in jail.

After his release, he was no longer allowed to attend university, so he was forced to complete his military service instead. Presiding Judge Lavergne expressed his surprise that Majdi N. was assigned to the communication units—a position requiring a certain level of trust—even though he and his brother F4 had been detained, to which Majdi N. had no explanation.

Majdi N. recounted that he then prepared to defect from the army, adding that Sunnis in the army shared the same idea. The Alawis felt this and turned the barracks into a kind of prison [حبس]. Majdi N. explained that only his commander thought he was a Christian, and added that his commander trusted him. He recounted that before deserting, he and the other soldiers thought of attempting a coup [انقلاب] inside the barracks. Together with a group of 70 people, they began developing a plan under the leadership of a colonel major. However, the latter got killed by Liwa Al-Islam, which did not know about the rebellion. So, the plan fell through, and people deserted in small groups. Majdi N. related he was part of a group of nine, and they left, with their weapons, in December 2012.

In response to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. declared that before his defection, he was in contact with F3, the leader of Liwa Al-Baraa, and with Liwa Al-Islam. The defectors wanted one of the brigades to come and get them, and Liwa Al-Islam said they needed time to carry out such an operation, while Liwa Al-Baraa offered to come the next day. So, the defectors joined Liwa Al-Baraa, and they were offered the chance to become soldiers. However, Liwa Al-Baraa had fought against Liwa Al-Islam and considered them extremists. Majdi N. expressed that he was a friend of Zahran Alloush, so Liwa Al-Baraa did not force him to do anything. Majdi N. reported he stayed at Liwa Al-Baraa for a week and then joined Liwa Al-Islam. Only one of the nine defectors stayed at Liwa Al-Baraa.

Presiding Judge Lavergne asked what he became after joining Liwa Al-Islam [and then Jaysh Al-Islam]. Majdi N. declared he first served in the clinic [مستوصف] for two to three weeks and was then transferred to different units. He reported that the commander did not like him much, and transferred him to a place full of smokers, which Majdi N. could not tolerate. So, he went to see Zahran Alloush, who said the group needed a military spokesperson and sent him to Douma Media Center. Majdi N. indicated that his supervisor was [redacted name], who taught him everything related to media work. The Accused believed Zahran Alloush chose him [for this position] because he trusted him and because Majdi N. had mastered literary Arabic—while the former spokesperson had let Zahran Alloush down.

Presiding Judge Lavergne mentioned that before working in the clinic, Majdi N. participated in a military operation [the takeover of Unit 533, where he had previously served in the Syrian Army]. Majdi N. said his role in the operation was planning, since he knew the weak points and the strengths of such operations. During the operation, Majdi N.  was [in the operation center] with the head of operations, who then became the Chief of General Staff of Jaysh Al-Islam. His mission consisted of decoding and giving advice. Majdi N. reported the operation lasted three days and was only carried out by Jaysh Al-Islam. According to him, Unit 533 represented a treasure for telecommunications, since thousands of walkie-talkies were stored inside, as well as tools that were used to reset communication systems, each reprogramming preventing infiltration. Majdi N. declared that most of the soldiers of Unit 533 were captured as prisoners of war.

Presiding Judge Lavergne referenced a document found on Majdi N.’s computer where soldiers of Unit 533 were designated as either “criminals” or “good elements.” Majdi N. explained that Liwa Al-Islam had established this list after [Majdi N. and the other former soldiers of the same unit] were asked about each prisoner. Majdi N. declared they all had the same opinion on the prisoners, except for one of the prisoners. They agreed on those who had nothing to do with the crimes [of the regime], and those prisoners were transferred to the Defectors Securing Office مكتب تأمين المنشقين, which held them for 20 days. After that period of time, the regime automatically issued search warrants against them, so they could not return to the regime. Majdi N. added that the others were brought to justice.

Presiding Judge Lavergne wondered why many military documents, sometimes relating to foreign—particularly Iranian—experts, were found on his computer. Majdi N. replied that, as spokesperson, the intelligence office gave him declassified files to make this information public. Majdi N. said his task was not to analyze them—that was the intelligence office’s job.

Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, Majdi N. said the operation center was located in Ar-Rayhan الريحان. Questioned about his first communication as spokesperson, Majdi N. responded it was in Hosh Al-Fara [حوش الفارة] around May and concerned the Palestine Liberation Army who was supporting the regime. Presiding Judge Lavergne inquired about his network within the Syrian army, and Majdi N. declared he was not in contact with high-ranking individuals, but still with people who gave him information. Presiding Judge Lavergne inquired about the two passports Majdi N. was carrying when he was arrested. Majdi N. confirmed he received his second passport in Istanbul.

[15-minute break – Proceedings resumed at 7:33 PM.]

Civil Parties’ Counsels’ Questioning of Majdi N.

Counsel Zarka wondered how the prisoners were divided among the cells in the Palestinian Branch and where they came from, which Majdi N. ignored. He instead responded that most detainees in the Palestinian Branch were tortured, including Zahran Alloush. Questioned about their relationship, Majdi N. repeated they talked about politics, and Zahran Alloush was very well acquainted with religion.

Counsel Zarka did not understand why Majdi N. was not subjected to torture, while Zahran Alloush was. Majdi N. explained both cases were very different: Zahran Alloush’s charges related to preaching [Dawa], and Majdi N.’s to politics. To him, the question [why he was not tortured] should be asked to the jailers.

Counsel Zarka returned to the operation against Unit 533, and Majdi N. repeated his role was decoding, adding that [the operation center] where he stayed with the head of operations was located two kilometers from the site. Questioned why documents from this operation center were in his possession, Majdi N. explained they were first transmitted to the intelligence to be analyzed, after which he received them to share with the media. He stressed these documents were first confidential, and then not anymore—but they still concerned individuals who were in power within the Syrian regime. Counsel Zarka noted that the data was not released in full, deducing Majdi N. had access to highly confidential data in his position as spokesperson. To her, it proved that he was not just a simple spokesperson. Majdi N responded that the information wasn’t released in full because not all was considered important.

Presiding Judge Lavergne indicated here that Jaysh Al-Islam's videos related to the takeover of Unit 533 were dated November 29, 2012, and the takeover of Ar-Rayhan near the Adra prison was dated December 21, 2012.

Counsel Bailly inquired about Majdi N.’s academic path in geology, and then radiographic and medicine studies, commenting that it appeared rather non-linear and adding that Majdi N. himself declared he was not very diligent. Majdi N. stressed he studied geology in 2005 and then switched to medicine in 2006. Responding to Counsel Bailly, he added that Jaysh Al-Islam financed his first two years at the University in Turkey.

Counsel Bailly wondered what motivated him, in the middle of the revolution in 2015, to go to Turkey and follow normal schooling, while he defined himself as a revolutionary and was portrayed as a fighter. Majdi N. replied the revolution was not only happening in Syria and believed there was no contradiction [ما في تناقض].

Counsel Bailly reacted to Majdi N.’s testimony that Zahran Alloush believed in religious freedom. To Counsel Bailly, that was in contradiction with the video displayed in court the day before [Trial Report #5], where Zahran Alloush made violent declarations against the regime and against their enemies who deserved punishment and death. Majdi N. stressed Zahran Alloush did not call for eliminating others based on differing viewpoints.

Prosecution's Questioning of Majdi N.

Responding to Prosecutor Havard, Majdi N. confirmed that before joining Liwa Al-Islam, he lived in Kafr Batna [كفر بطنا], south from Douma. At that time, he didn’t know that Zahran Alloush was the leader of Liwa Al-Islam and only learned about it before he defected from the Syrian Army, when the media released information about a massacre committed by the group.

Prosecutor Havard asked Majdi N. to clarify the chronology of events after his defection. She summarized that he stayed a couple of days with Liwa Al-Baraa, then joined Liwa Al-Islam and worked in a clinic and in the operation center, and then Liwa Al-Islam took over his former military unit. Majdi N. replied that it all happened simultaneously, adding he worked in the clinic and in the operation center at the same time. He stressed that there were only eight days between his defection and the takeover of Unit 533. In response to Prosecutor Havard, Majdi N. declared he also became spokesperson at the same time, less than a week after he joined Liwa Al-Islam.

Prosecutor Havard requested the projection of a video of Liwa Al-Islam where Majdi N. appeared as spokesperson. In the video, Majdi N. declared that the group liberated a Katiba [small armed group or military unit] in the village of Hosh Al-Fara, where many brothers were tortured and summarily executed. He further asserted that the regime could no longer protect itself and called on all fighters to surrender.

Prosecutor Havard noted that the video was shared on November 26, 2012, and the arrest warrant issued against Majdi N. after his defection was dated November 18. Majdi N. believed the dates were accurate. Counsel Bailly observed that the revolutionary flag did not appear on the video.

Prosecutor Havard then requested another video of Liwa Al-Islam transmitted by the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism (IIIM) to be displayed in Court. In the video, the speaker [redacted name] called, in the name of the Almighty, to fight the enemy, declaring that Allah would punish them and liberate the believers. The speaker claimed that, by the grace of Allah, they had succeeded in taking over Unit 533, known as a base of the Syrian Arab Army located in Rural Damascus. It was reported that 300 soldiers were killed and the others taken prisoner. The speaker called on the regime forces and the Syrian Arab Army to surrender.

Majdi N. confirmed he appeared in this video carrying a weapon and asserted it was given to him for the video shoot, but he was never trained to use it. Prosecutor Havard specified the video was uploaded to the internet on November 29, 2012.

Prosecutor Havard lastly requested the projection of a video of Liwa Al-Islam, where Majdi N. appeared in the background. The speaker [redacted name] announced good news to the Ummah [Eng: Nation], affirming they had destroyed the army and seized a large quantity of light weapons. Despite the presence of snipers, the speaker said that they had managed to take control [of the unit]. He reiterated his call to all factions of the regime to surrender, in order to preserve the resources of the State and the Nation.

Prosecutor Thouault quoted Majdi N.’s testimony that he had been present in the operation center with [redacted name] alias [redacted name] F8, who would later become Chief of General Staff and member of the judiciary council. Madji N. repeated that he had been at the operation center only to give advice.

Prosecutor Thouault asked Majdi N. to detail his brother F4’s encounter with Zahran Alloush in Douma. Majdi N. said they only introduced themselves to each other, but his brother never joined Jaysh Al-Islam. Prosecutor Thouault referred to a conversation between Majdi N. and [redacted name] F9, head of the Northern Branch [of Liwa Al-Islam], where Majdi N. mentioned that his brother F10 had been arrested in Turkey and detained with ISIS members. Prosecutor Thouault wondered if his brother’s arrival to Turkey was not rather in September 2015. Majdi N. insisted it was in 2013, and explained his brother was arrested much later.

Prosecutor Havard then mentioned a conversation related to assets worth a quarter of a million dollars. In that record, Majdi N. claimed that if his brother ended up in an irregular situation, this wealth would go up in smoke. The Accused declared he did not recall this matter and acknowledged that the arrest might have caused financial troubles.

Defense Counsel’s Questioning of Majdi N.

Counsel Ruiz asked if an emblem or the flag of the Syrian revolution automatically appeared on propaganda videos by the Free Syrian Army, the Syrian Democratic Forces, or the Kurdish People's Defense Units (YPG). According to Majdi N., the Syrian Democratic Forces never used the flag; as for the others, it depended.

Referring to the translation of a document related to an execution, Counsel Ruiz said it showed that the execution was not summary, as the Prosecution claimed, but a death sentence signed by three judges. Civil Parties’ Counsel Bailly claimed that, pursuant to Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, judicial decisions must afford all the judicial guarantees recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples. Defense Counsel Kempf pointed out that a 117-page long complaint had been filed against the man who was executed.

Proceedings were suspended at 8:59 PM.

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