Inside the Majdi N. Trial #16: Testimony of Syrian Witness on the Kidnapping of Razan Zeitouneh and Jaysh Al-Islam's Detention and Recruitment Practices.
TRIAL OF MAJDI N.
Court of Assize – Paris, France
Trial Monitoring Summary #16
Hearing Dates: May 14 and 15, 2025
CAUTION: Some testimony may include graphic descriptions of torture, rape or other violent acts.
Note that this summary is not a verbatim transcript of the trial; it is merely an unofficial summary of the proceedings.
Throughout this summary, [information located in brackets are notes from our trial monitor] and “information placed in quotes are statements made by the witness, judges or counsel.” The names and identifying information of witnesses have been redacted.
[Note: SJAC provides a summary of the proceedings while redacting certain details to protect witness privacy and to preserve the integrity of the trial.]
[Note: Rather than publishing the trial reports of the Majdi N. case in chronological order, SJAC has organized them thematically and coherently based on the content of the hearings, making the material more accessible by highlighting key issues and connections across the proceedings.]
SJAC’s 16th trial monitoring report details days 8 and 9 of the trial of Majdi N. in Paris, France. On these trial days, W12 reported the work on crimes’ documentation he had conducted alongside Razan Zeitouneh in Ghouta, a region where he stayed from 2012 to 2018. Most notably, W12 recounted to have met Razan Zeitouneh two days before she was kidnapped in December 2013. The day after her kidnapping, W12 came to her house to find she had disappeared. W12 then conducted an investigation to find out what had happened. Until he left Syria, W12 regularly interviewed victims or witnesses of human rights violations, among them Jaysh Al-Islam’s members. In particular, he conducted a video interview of a man, F44, who was recruited by Jaysh Al-Islam when he was underaged and worked for two and a half years in their prisons. W12 further reported that two of his cousins were recruited by Jaysh Al-Islam when they were underaged, and one of them died while serving in the group. Moreover, W12 detailed three occasions in which he saw Majdi N. in Ghouta in 2013. The first encounter took place during the founding meeting of Jaysh Al-Islam in the summer of 2013, where Islam Alloush was sent as a representative of Liwa Al-Islam. The second encounter took place in the At-Tawba prison at the end of 2013.
Days 8 and 9 – May 14 and 15, 2025
Proceedings resumed at 2:49 PM.
Witness [redacted name] W12, said he had no personal or professional relations with the Accused. W12 was heard on seven different occasions by the Investigative Judge.
W12 recounted that he is from [redacted location] and participated in demonstrations during the Arab Spring in Tartus طرطوس and Hama حماة. He was arrested by the State Security [أمن الدولة] in Tartus and transferred to Hama. He was detained around Summer 2011 for a month. After his release, he began working in an organization based in [redacted location] [the organization was translated as Federation by the interpreter but referred to as 'Coordination Committee' in the investigative report. The Arabic original is تنسيقية] that was linked to the Local Committees founded by Razan Zeitouneh, F21.
Presiding Judge Lavergne’s Questioning of W12
W12 testified that he got in contact with Razan Zeitouneh through a friend from [redacted information]. When questioned about the activities of the Local Committees, W12 replied that these bodies formed a network of activists dedicated to organizing demonstrations or [redacted information].
W12 said he started working with Razan Zeitouneh upon his arrival in Eastern Ghouta in October or November 2011. He did not know her personally and first met her on Skype. W12 had heard from the leader of [redacted location] Coordination Committee that she was in Douma. W12 mentioned that Faeq Al-Mir فائق المير, Deputy Head of the Syrian Democratic People's Party حزب الشعب الديمقراطي السوري and opponent of Assad, was secretly living in Damascus and managed to enter Ghouta for a visit. W12 was with him the first time he met Razan Zeitouneh.
Mr. Al-Mir encouraged W12 to come to Eastern Ghouta to benefit from thriving political diversity and to establish the “Group of Opposition and Revolution Forces” (W12 was unsure of the exact name). Presiding Judge Lavergne wondered if it was a leftist, secular, or Islamist movement, and W12 replied that people from all religious backgrounds came to Eastern Ghouta. Most meetings took place in [redacted location], W12 added. Razan Zeitouneh was not part of that group but supported it when she could, for instance by offering computers.
By mid-2013, W12 recounted, new groups, including Jaysh Al-Islam, began to emerge alongside the already established Liwa Al-Islam. W12 pointed out that Liwa Al-Islam was present everywhere but did not exert efficient control over Ghouta. Still, they had a few men in each town and conducted recruitment and training of newcomers. According to W12, during a meeting in the facilities of the Violation Documentation Center (VDC), where Razan Zeitouneh used to live, she expressed concerns about the ideology spreading among youth. This was the last time W12 met Razan Zeitouneh, who was kidnapped two days after.
When questioned about the relationship between the Free Syrian Army (FSA) and Liwa Al-Islam, W12 testified they did not get along well. According to W12, Liwa Al-Islam was the strongest, the most organized, and the wealthiest; the group payed salaries, prepared food, and offered emergency parcels to the combatants. Liwa Al-Islam also controlled one of the biggest regiment in the region at that time, Fauj Al-Shafuniyah فوج الشفونية, and was equipped with the heaviest artillery among the forces. The group also organized significant trainings on weapons handling and religion, whereas training sessions organized by other factions were much smaller and isolated.
W12’s arrival in Ghouta
W12 emphasized that he traveled from Daraa to Ghouta together with around 50 to 60 wanted individuals [منشودين], including civilians and defected soldiers who were heading home. They were guided by smugglers or escorts on a clandestine route to a region that W12 did not know at all. W12 recalled that they arrived in a farm close to the city of Al-Mayda الميدعا [or Al-Maydani الميدعاني], where the headquarters of Liwa Al-Islam was located. Everyone who came to Ghouta had to go through that place, he reported. Upon W12’s arrival, the people in his group were asked for their identity, and their phones were seized. Then, W12’s group entered the farm and joined the people who had arrived before.
W12 stayed there for three days. At each prayer, people were called to pray with [Liwa Al-Islam’s members]. In the evenings, a Sheikh came and encouraged them to follow the path of Jihad. Young men among the group were invited to join Jaysh Al-Islam, W12 added. In their discussions, W1 recalled that they often referred to 'Bilad Al-Sham,' [بلاد الشام, translated as 'Great Syria' in court].
The first two days, people asked to get their phones back, but were met with a refusal. On the third day, W12 had an argument [جدال طويل] with the guards about his phone. One guard told W12 “You are all dissidents!”, which W12 denied, asserting he was solely a civilian. The man then encouraged W12 to join Liwa Al-Islam. After that, W12 retrieved his phone and belongings [and left].
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked where Al-Shatoun [name unclear] was. W12 explained this farm was located between Al-Mayda الميدعا and Al-Maydani الميدعاني, and close to Al-Shafuniyah الشفونية. Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if W12 was interrogated about his background, which W12 confirmed, adding Liwa Al-Islam thought [redacted location] was mostly inhabited by Alawis. However, they did not ask questions on political orientation, he reported. W12 testified that it was the first time he was confronted with such questions on religious affiliation, and that frightened him. W12 explained to Presiding Judge Lavergne that he lived near the mosque of [redacted location]. Presiding Judge Lavergne asked what his affiliation was, to which W12 replied, “I am Syrian.” Presiding Judge Lavergne then asked W12 if he intentionally hid [from Liwa Al-Islam] his Ismaili affiliation, which W12 confirmed, asserting that he did so out of fear since it was the first time he heard people using the term ‘Al-Rafida’ الرافضة to refer to non-Sunnis. Presiding Judge Lavergne wondered if it amounted to unbelievers [in French: mécréant, كفار], which W12 did not reply to, only saying that the term indeed had a pejorative connotation.
W12 noted that, during his stay in Ghouta, many expressions were used to designate people who were not aligned with [Islamist factions], including Sunnis who were called ‘secularist’ or ‘apostates’ [مرتد]. These factions did not recognize the revolutionary flag at the very beginning, W12 noted, and invoked a hadith which said that anyone who dies under this banner dies as an ignorant [جاهلي].
W12 recounted that one of his uncles was from Ghouta and knew [Jaysh Al-Islam’s Mufti] [redacted name] F28, very well. However, around 2016 to 2017, F28 once refused to meet him, pretending W12’s uncle had become an infidel and a hashish smoker.
Presiding Judge Lavergne wondered if people who left Islam and were designated apostates were considered criminals, which W12 confirmed. The fate awaiting them varied, W12 continued: people who were arrested and detained usually had to follow religious classes, but some prisoners were never seen again. Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if such religious classes amounted to an attempt to reeducate them, and W12 explained the courses’ goal was not only to have them observe Islam, but to turn them into Salafists, and be repentant.
W12’s last meeting with Razan Zeitouneh and her disappearance
Before W12’s last meeting with Razan Zeitouneh, for the first time, she had asked him to confirm he would come. So, W12 felt there was something wrong. Samira Al-Khalil, F22, did not know him well, and when she opened the door for W12, she jumped back out of fear, W12 recounted. W12 then mentioned the project they talked about that night. W12 added that there was no way out of the Ghouta at that time and that only Jaysh Al-Islam possessed warehouses [مستودعات] and food provisions.
On the day W12 met Razan Zeitouneh for the last time, a battle had freed the town [name unclear, likely Al-Otayba العتيبة] from a very harsh siege, and famine was almost everywhere, W1 continued. The roads had just reopened, and it seemed possible to even break the siege [in Ghouta]. Everyone participated in that battle, W12 testified, because it was decisive for the fate of thousands of people. Continuing to recount the events of that day, W12 said that while reading the news on the internet that night, Razan Zeitouneh had told him Liwa Al-Islam reportedly withdrew from the battle of [Al-Otayba].
Around that period, Yasin Al-Haj Saleh [husband of Samira Al-Khalil, one of the ‘Douma four’ who was kidnapped together with Razan Zeitouneh] had decided to leave Ghouta for Turkey. W12 told Samira Al-Khalil he would then take her with him to Turkey if the siege was not reestablished.
During their last encounter, Razan Zeitouneh also explained she would set up kitchens for the people not to be forced to follow a path only because they were hungry. She said she wanted to stop the Wahhabi expansion that took advantage of people’s needs in order to recruit young men.
The next day, W12 decided to visit Razan Zeitouneh again with [redacted name], who now lives in France and [redacted name] [nickname], who is now in Germany. Around midnight, W12 sent her a message, as she usually stayed up late, but it was the first time she did not respond, W12 recalled. So, they got up early the next day and visited her and found the door open. The sofas were turned upside down; there was no computer or anyone present. In the bedroom, the curtains behind the chair were on the floor. Apparently, she had resisted those who took her away, W12 commented.
Presiding Judge Lavergne intervened to say that the disappearance of Razan Zeitouneh was important but not essential [to the present case]. Consequently, he refocused the interrogation on W12’s documentation work. W12 relayed that on the day of Razan Zeitouneh’s arrest, they tried to gather information on the kidnappers but found nothing. At that time, Jaysh Al-Islam controlled all checkpoints. On the second day, Razan Zeitouneh’s sister [redacted name] discovered that Razan Zeitouneh’s computer was turned on and geolocated it to the medical tower in Douma, W12 reported. W12 added that at this occasion, they discovered that Jaysh Al-Islam had an Information Office.
W12 documentation work about human rights violations in Ghouta
Presiding Judge Lavergne inquired about Liwa Shuhada Douma [the Douma Martyrs’ Brigade – لواء شهداء دوما]. W12 explained it was created in late 2011 or early 2012 by rebels of several brigades of Douma, mainly composed of defectors from the Syrian army, and headed by [redacted name] F36. In 2015, Jaysh Al-Islam gathered members of that brigade in Douma and dragged the corpse of Abu Ali Khabiyeh أبو علي خبية, F34 [a leader of Liwa Shuhada Douma] through the streets. Presiding Judge Lavergne then shortly described the video of Mr. Khabiyeh’s execution, which he believed was dated August 2014.
Presiding Judge Lavergne insisted that W12 talk about what he personally witnessed and experienced. W12 said he was of course worried, stayed two days in his office [after Razan Zeitouneh’s arrest], and never went back to Douma. He stayed in [redacted location] in Southeast Ghouta where he documented violations with [redacted name] F43, who was later assassinated in [redacted location], Turkey. W12 used to publish articles from the newspaper [redacted information] [a Syrian magazine that reported on the ‘daily lives of Syrian citizens’] on the internet. W12 testified that he continued this work even after F43’s death, until the end of 2016.
Until he left Syria, W12 regularly interviewed victims or witnesses of human rights violations, among them Jaysh Al-Islam’s members. W12 testified that Jaysh Al-Islam committed summary executions in public places, mostly in Saqba or Douma. W12’s nephew [redacted name], who was 11 years old, once attended a public execution and could not eat or talk for a whole week after, W12 recalled. Based on information he gathered in his interviews, W12 reported that in executions, people were either shot or beheaded. They were shot with sub-machine guns to erase all traces, W12 added. Taking pictures [of the public executions] was forbidden. W12 mentioned that at the end of 2017, he met [redacted name] F44, former commander of Jaysh Al-Islam prison [redacted location], who told him that executions sometimes took place in Fauj Al-Shafuniyah فوج الشفونية.
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if there was a competition between the head of prison [redacted location] F44 and [redacted name] F29, who was in charge of prison security. As a response, W12 mentioned a man called [redacted name] F45 [who was well known in Ghouta], whom F29 had imprisoned. W12 added that since F44 was a jailer in[redacted location] prison and very important in Jaysh Al-Islam, he could have information on Razan Zeitouneh.
W12 mentioned [another] meeting with F44 that took place in May or June 2018. At this occasion, F44 reported that he had joined Jaysh Al-Islam when he was 14 years old and directly followed a religious, military, and security training. After that, he was stationed in the ACSAD [Arab Center for the Studies of Arid Zones and Dry Lands أكساد] building, where security and military offices were gathered. F44 worked as a jailer [سجّان] and then took the lead of the [redacted information]. When he met W12 for the interview and stayed at W12’s home for seven days, he was wanted [كان مطلوب] by Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman, and Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham. At that time, F44 was around 18 to 19 years old, and his experience in security interested several factions.
When questioned about ACSAD, W12 only said F44 had details about that place. W12 specified that ACSAD was known in Ghouta as the prison of At-Tawba. He added that this very same name ‘At-Tawba’ was used for all prisons in the Ghouta, which consisted of several branches like Al-Kahf, Al-Batoon, and other security offices. Before being a detention center of Jaysh Al-Islam, the location named ACSAD was an agronomic center for research on desertification, W12 said. F29’s office was located there [in ACSAD] and called Brigade 27.
W12’s encounters with Majdi N.
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked W12 if he had met the Accused. W12 confirmed and testified that the first encounter occured in 2013, at a time when W12 was working in the policy office of the activists’ network [see above]. W12 knew a man called [redacted name] F46, who then became a member of the Security Office of Jaysh Al-Islam and who was entrusted by Zahran Alloush with leadership of the economic office of Douma.
F46 was contacted by a man called [redacted name], who invited him to a meeting at his farm with civil society representatives. W12 accompanied them to the meeting and, once they arrived and got out of their cars, they were targeted with strikes by the Syrian regime. So, they were forced to relocate the meeting to the mosque of the city of [redacted location]. Jaysh Al-Islam had not been established at that date, but members of Liwa Al-Islam attended, W12 recalled. The deputy commander of Liwa Al-Islam [redacted name] F47, was accompanied by the group’s following representatives: [redacted name] F29, presented as head of the security office of Liwa Al-Islam, [redacted name] F28, presented as a member of the Shura Council [advisory council, see Trial Report #14], and Islam Alloush, presented as commander in charge of trainings at Liwa Al-Islam. W12 pointed out that the only representative he knew at that time was F47.
W12 added that everyone thought Islam Alloush was the brother or cousin of Zahran Alloush at that time. People were even joking saying that after getting rid of the Assad family, they had to endure the Alloush family. W12 recalled to have discovered the true identity of Islam Alloush around 2016-2017, and added that rumors suggested he was Christian, but had converted to Islam and defected from Assad’s army.
A second Sheikh named [redacted name] F48, who worked with Liwa Al-Islam, attended the meeting. F47 started informing the audience that Zahran Alloush had commissioned him to hold this meeting to bring together viewpoints on the creation of Jaysh Al-Islam. F48 asked how the leaders who will govern after Assad’s fall would be called: sultan, caliph, or president. F47 replied that it would be the result of a consultation, and F48 wondered if all Muslims or only the one in power would be consulted, to which F47 responded, “It goes without saying that we would not mandate a garbage collector to choose a president.” It became clear that only the leading figures would choose the president, W12 recounted, adding they called this elite “el Khas” [الخاص]. F48 objected that the garbage collector was also a Muslim and should give his opinion just as any other citizen. F47 retorted that democracy would represent the greatest violation against Syrian minorities, because the majority of the Syrian population is Sunni and would only elect a Sunni president who would then violate rights of other religious groups. W12 pointed out that Islam Alloush did not talk and the only discussion that occured was between F47 and F48.
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if W12 saw Islam Alloush afterwards. W12 began by explaining that the battle of Adra Al-Omaliya [see Trial Report #15 and Trial Report #18] enabled Jaysh Al-Islam to dig a tunnel and place its own guards at the entrance. W12 insisted that civilians from various origins, including the cities of Tartus, Salamiyah سلمية, Suwayda السويداء, etc., lived in Adra Al-Omaliya. The kidnapping of Razan Zeitouneh and the battle of Adra Al-Omaliya both happened within three days, he emphasized. W12 relayed that [dozens] of civilians were kidnapped or disappeared in Adra Al-Omaliya. The tunnel was the only way out, so W12 had no doubt Jaysh Al-Islam used it to bring the prisoners [to Ghouta]. Survivors he later met told W12 that they had first been arrested by Jaysh Al-Islam, and were later dispatched among different factions who participated in the battle of Adra Al-Omaliya.
After the attack, W12 contacted his [redacted information] who still lived in [redacted location] and she informed him that two of their relatives called [redacted name] and [redacted name], from [redacted location], were among the prisoners arrested in Adra Al-Omaliya. W12 reported that he tried to gather information, and contacted someone called [redacted name], F49, who he knew from his studies in law. F49 had been forced to join Assad’s army, defected, and then had to join Jaysh Al-Islam for financial reasons. He became head of the southern sector. F49 informed W12 that the detainees were likely held by Jaysh Al-Islam, so W12 went with F49 to the so-called recruitment center of Jaysh. When they entered, they met F47, who was just out.
Chief of Staff [رئيس الأركان] [redacted name], F50 was there with Islam Alloush. W12 asked about his relatives [redacted name] and [redacted name] who disappeared in Adra Al-Omaliya, stressing that they were civilians. According to W12, both F50 and Islam Alloush responded. W12 added that in 2018, during the forced displacement of Ghouta’s population, one of the relatives did not reappear and was considered dead, while Jaysh Al-Islam released the other.
W12 then contacted his sister to obtain information on these two relatives. She said she could not talk to him and blocked him, believing W12 had something to do with the disappearance. From the documentation W12 gathered, around 180 people who originated from Salamiyah disappeared in Adra Al-Omaliya, including women, children, and elderly people. The testimonies of F44 and other Jaysh Al-Islam soldiers revealed that other people died while being sent by Jaysh Al-Islam to disarm explosives on the battlefield, W12 recounted.
Presiding Judge Lavergne demanded that W12 continue focusing on Islam Alloush. W12 referred to two other men called [redacted name], a political figure of [redacted location] now living in Germany, and a dissident captain called [redacted name], whom W12 met in Idlib in 2018 and who also was in Europe. He [or they] informed W12 that he [or they] attended a meeting with Islam Alloush in Turkey in 2016 about the missing persons of Adra Al-Omaliya. According to him [or them], Islam Alloush asked for a ransom from the Aga Khan آغا خان [head of the Ismaili religion].
Presiding Judge Lavergne invited W12 to talk about the many videos he had transmitted during the investigation. W12 said that everyone living in the Ghouta knew Jaysh Al-Islam committed crimes just as the regime did, and also had eradicated Liwa Al-Islam. When Liwa Al-Islam had control over the region, W12 added, civilians could go in and out [through the tunnel] and access the camp of Al-Wafiddin مخيم الوافدين to obtain food. On the contrary, Jaysh Al-Islam granted access to food supplies to only one trader called [redacted name] F39, who stored them in a warehouse.
In Jaysh Al-Islam’s prisons, people could be accused of collaboration with the regime and with ISIS, or of sodomitic acts, W12 testified. According to him, Jaysh Al-Islam was responsible for almost all assassinations [committed in Ghouta], mostly targeting people looking for information on Razan Zeitouneh.
[25-minute break]
Civil Parties’ Counsels’ Questioning of W12
Counsel Baudouin referred to the meeting where Majdi N. was presented as the head of Liwa Al-Islam’s training sessions and asked W12 to comment. W12 mentioned two people now living in Germany [names inaudible, one of them was given the kunya [redacted name]], who were with Majdi N. in the training ‘Ali Abu Talib.’ W12 testified that photos and videos of the graduation ceremony were available and stressed that most recruits were underaged.
Counsel Baudouin asked if W12 could determine the exact age of “child soldiers,” i.e. if they were older or younger than 15 years old, and if they enrolled voluntarily or were forced to join. W12 was certain that Jaysh Al-Islam recruited children and mentioned his wife’s cousin from Ghouta called [redacted name], F51, who was 12 years old when he participated in a training called ‘Lion Cubs of Islam.’ While F51 was in the training, he played with a bomb that exploded and lost an eye. W12 saw his wounds and said that F51 himself told him this story, which F51’s brother confirmed in 2018. Questioned by Counsel Bailly at a later stage of his testimony, W12 added that he took a photo of F51’s diploma awarded by Jaysh Al-Islam. W12 also reported that the Investigative Judge had a video of a diploma ceremony in which Islam Alloush appeared.
Counsel Baudouin then asked W12 to confirm the date of his second encounter with Majdi N. W12 asserted it was early 2014 but did not precisely remember the date. Regarding the third encounter with Majdi N., W12 confirmed that at this occasion, he saw detainees who were children.
Counsel Baudouin inquired about the civilians [arrested in Adra Al-Omaliya], and W12 replied that some died while building tunnels and other were sent to walk mines to clear them. Counsel Bailly asked if that could be considered a form of slavery, which W12 confirmed.
Counsel Baudouin then asked if starving part of the population could compel people to join Jaysh Al-Islam, which W12 confirmed. When questioned by Counsel Bailly on the economic situation of young people who joined Jaysh Al-Islam, W12 confirmed they were unemployed.
Responding to Counsel Bailly, W12 replied that members of Jaysh Al-Islam received no fixed salary, but the group was the richest in Eastern Ghouta and almost the only one possessing food supply warehouses, which explains why many factions joined them.
Counsel Baudouin wondered if there was any margin of freedom for those who did not adhere to Jaysh Al-Islam. From 2014 to 2015, W12 asserted, he could not say a word against Jaysh Al-Islam for his own safety. W12 also mentioned the “electronic army” belonging to the group’s media office whose function was to attack people who were criticizing Jaysh Al-Islam on social media.
Counsel Bailly reminded the Court that W12 lived in Ghouta from August 2012 to March 2018 and transmitted hundreds of videos to the Investigative Judge. W12 added that since 2022 and until the fall of the Syrian regime, most of his friends in Northern Syria blocked him on social media out of fear of Jaysh Al-Islam’s members located in the same region. Everyone believed that W12 belonged to the French secret services, he reported.
Counsel Bailly requested the projection of a video transmitted by W12 of an entertainment event in which a man performed Quranic chanting in front of a crowd of fighters. W12 said he believed he was the one who transmitted that video but did not know the original source. W12 explained that the man singing was called [redacted name] and had joined Jaysh Al-Islam, but later left. Responding to Counsel Bailly on the particularity of the song, W12 said that the second part had a jihadist undertone [قسم الجهاد].
Counsel Bailly asked if it was necessary to issue a religious fatwa before executing someone. W12 again mentioned the different types of accusations [used by Jaysh Al-Islam]. He recounted only having seen one public execution in a square of Saqba but testified that Douma’s inhabitants always witnessed executions.
W12 was then questioned about a video he had transmitted to the Investigative Judge showing men in uniforms standing around a woman and executing her, at a time when Liwa Al-Islam had control over Ghouta. One of the commanders read a sentence which had been issued by a judicial body, following which the woman swore that she was judged unfairly. The same commander later became a member of Jaysh Al-Islam, W12 asserted, adding that the people of Douma had confirmed this information. W12 affirmed that he knew the name of the commander but forgot it today and said it would be easy to obtain it. Defense Counsel Ruiz pointed out that the death sentence resulted from a judgment by the Unified Judiciary Council. W12 replied that two judges of the Unified Judiciary Council, [redacted name] and [redacted name] F56, belonged to Jaysh Al-Islam, and added that nothing showed that this specific decision had been issued by the Council. Presiding Judge Lavergneheadgear seen iKeffiyeh [see debate on a Keffiyeh allegedly worn by Majdi N. in Trial Report #15].
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if there was any lawyer in Douma. W12 responded that there were no trials and no lawyers [لا محاكم لا محامي], and testified that he had only heard of a trial once, after a member of Jaysh Al-Islam’s security services filed a complaint against a civilian service. At that trial, counsel for the defense and the plaintiff, as well as the prosecutor and the judges, all belonged to Jaysh Al-Islam, W12 recounted.
Counsel Bailly then requested the projection of a video showing the execution of [redacted name] F52, ordered by [Jaysh Al-Islam member] [redacted name] F25, in which a man called [redacted name] was also visible. Jaysh Al-Islam members appeared standing to the right of F52, and someone declared that the criminal tribunal of Douma issued the death penalty under the law of retaliation, because F52 had voluntarily killed and wounded people by gunshot [names inaudible]. W12 also mentioned a video in which Jaysh Al-Islam’s commander [redacted name] F73 appeared [unsure if this referred to the same video as above or another]. Responding to Presiding Judge Lavergne, W12 F73 was well known.
Counsel Bailly asked W12 to detail the execution practices under Jabhat Al-Nusra جهبة النصرة and Jaysh Al-Islam. According to W12, Jabhat Al-Nusra allowed people to film and publish records of the executions, whereas under Jaysh Al-Islam, people only heard [rumors about] executions being carried out. Counsel Bailly wondered if it was accurate to say that Jabhat Al-Nusra was showing off whereas Jaysh Al-Islam rather intended to remain discreet on executions. W12 confirmed.
W12 continued by saying that a group of detainees released from Assad’s prison became the first brigade to carry a red Islamic flag. According to W12, people from Douma had an ideological divergence even before the revolution. To illustrate this statement, W12 referred to the [redacted name] family, which was close to socialism and Nasserism, the [redacted name] family, which was Sufi, and the [redacted name] family, which was known to be Salafist.
Counsel Bailly then asked W12 to confirm the Council of the Mujahiddin مجلس مجاهدي دوما led the city [of Douma]. According to W12, ideological and religious divergence was an obstacle to working together and unifying judicial organs, even though two Sheikhs of Jaysh Al-Islam worked in [the Unified Judiciary Council]. Regarding the Consultative Council of the Shura [or Shura Council], W12 asserted it belonged to Jaysh Al-Islam and was composed of former detainees [of the Assad regime]. The first judge who was appointed to this body was assassinated by Jaysh Al-Islam, he added. Counsel Bailly stated that the Council of the Mujahiddins, the Consultative Council of the Shura, and the Unified Judiciary Council were created in June 2014, which W12 confirmed, specifying they were not constantly activated efficiently. For instance, [redacted name] F74, one of Jaysh Al-Islam’s commanders, was arrested after Razan Zeitouneh’s abduction, but they let him escape.
Responding to Counsel Bailly, W12 asserted that Jaysh Al-Islam tried to take control of the Unified Judiciary Council and to assassinate the judge F74, whom W12 had met, because he would not let Jaysh Al-Islam [act as they wished]. Counsel Bailly added that the judge F74 had denounced the fact that Jaysh Al-Islam tried to eradicate Jaysh Al-Umma. W12 reported that Zahran Alloush failed to remove F74 and, according to W12, this was proof that the institution was not independent, since law of the strong prevailed. The only case the Unified Judiciary Council really investigated was the abduction of Razan Zeitouneh, W12 added.
Prosecution's Questioning of W12
When questioned by Prosecutor Thouault, W12 confirmed the Accused present in the Court was the man he had met three times in Eastern Ghouta. Prosecutor Thouault asked if W12 had a political objective or acted out of revenge. W12 stressed he or his family members had not been imprisoned, prosecuted, or threatened by Jaysh Al-Islam, and he did not pursue any political objectives either.
According to the story of W12’s wife’s cousin [redacted name] F51, in general, training sessions [or training camps] were referred to as “Ishbal Al-Islam,” but other names existed as well. In the north, for instance, training sessions were called “Ali Abu Talib.”
Prosecutor Thouault mentioned the conflict between Jaysh Al-Umma, a group composed of several factions including Liwa Shuhada Douma, and Jaysh Al-Islam. She requested the screening of three videos transmitted by W12. The first video showed Abu Ali Khabiyeh playing the piano, and the second showed Abu Ali Khabiyeh’s arrest, during which he was accused of consuming hashish and of being an unbeliever [mécréant]. The third video showed his sentencing by the Judicial Committee for crimes of corruption against Mujahiddins of Jaysh Al-Islam, and denouncing Abu Ali Khabiyeh’s allegiance to ISIS, use of drugs, fornication, and homosexual practices. In this video, Abu Ali Khabiyeh was then executed by three bullets in the head and his corpse showed around the streets [of Douma].
Proceedings were suspended at 8:14 PM and resumed the next morning at 9:48 AM. The Prosecution continued questioning W12.
According to Prosecutor Thouault, Razan Zeitouneh described Abu Ali Khabiyeh as a half-revolutionary, half-gangster personality. W12 responded that Abu Ali Khabiyeh did participate in the Revolution with his family and contributed to the liberation of Ghouta. W12 denied having seen Abu Ali Khabiyeh committing violations such as theft. However, W12 did see a video where he conducted a public execution.
Prosecutor Thouault then mentioned the testimony of [redacted name] F35, that was collected by W12.In his statement, F35 reported that he had presided over the Ghouta Judiciary Council and had been appointed by civil society representatives and armed groups. F35 then recounted Abu Ali Khabiyeh’s role in the conflict as leader of Liwa Shuhada Douma لواء شهداء دوما [which later became Jaysh Al-Umma]. Most notably, F35 declared that Jaysh Al-Islam opposed this group because of its secularist tendencies. F35 also asserted that Jaysh Al-Islam turned a blind eye to abuses committed within its own camp while conductingcase files to the Judiciary Council and not interfere in its decisions. Zahran Alloush reportedly accepted, with the condition that no judicial decision should be enforced until all cases have been tried. According to F35, the Judiciary Council started hearing detainees of Jaysh Al-Umma in 2015 and thus put an end to the repression campaign against this group. F35 reported that the Judiciary Council heard, among others, Abu Ali Khabiyeh, who presented marks of torture. Abu Ali Khabiyeh denied having committed homosexual practices and asked to be examined by a doctor to contest this charge. F35 said he intended to accept his request, but two other judges refused. F35 reckoned that the Council had to validate decisions [of Jaysh Al-Islam], otherwise the cases would be sent back to the Council. Prosecutor Thouault added that the Unified Judiciary Council also heard someone who accused Abu Ali Khabiyeh of rape, which was generally a common accusation.
W12 added that when he was collecting his testimony, F35 expressed regret that he had not been supportive enough of Abu Ali Khabiyeh. W12 also mentioned assassination attempts against [member of Liwa Shuhada Douma] F36. [In one of the attempts], a car exploded, and W12 noted that the vehicle was registered to the name of [redacted name], the same person who opened Razan Zeitouneh’s computer after she was kidnapped.
Prosecutor Thouault turned to Majdi N. and asked if he recalled having met W12. Majdi N. responded that none of the encounters W12 reported truly happened, including the one on the farm. Majdi N. repeated that he was not in Ghouta anymore and never went to the city of [Al-Mleiha]. In response, W12 said that every member of Jaysh Al-Islam had to pass through the city of Al-Mleiha and reiterated his claims to have encountered Majdi N. several times.
Prosecutor Havard referred to W12’s statement to the Investigative Judge about undercover Jaysh Al-Islam agents infiltrating among civilians and institutions, and asked him to confirm the strength of its intelligence apparatus. W12 said that Jaysh Al-Islam itself claimed to have strong intelligence services, and that half the fighters in Liwa Al-Islam had already served as intelligence agents and their numbers even increased under Jaysh Al-Islam, as F29 himself had declared.
Prosecutor Havard then mentioned the arrest of a 14-year-old child who had insulted Jaysh Al-Islam and was tortured. W12 reported that this child, whose family name was [redacted name], was born in 2002 and executed in 2015 under accusation of sodomy. W12 further explained that many children and women were arrested by Jaysh Al-Islam, because they were the ones who went to get food supplies in the Wafideen camp. At a later point in the questioning, W12 mentioned [redacted name] from [redacted location], who was imprisoned by Jaysh Al-Islam and then became a commander for this group. As such, he reportedly arrested an underage child who remained in detention for months.
Prosecutor Havard then referred to an interview W12 filmed in 2018 of a man living in Douma who said to have been detained for a year in the At-Tawba prison without being presented to a judge. The man also said that Jaysh Al-Islam ought to make the population more docile by starving them.
Prosecutor Havard recalled that W12 gathered documentation from many people who reported torture. Among them were [redacted name] alias [redacted name] F53, who was arrested in January 2015 during the repression campaign against Jaysh Al-Umma. F53 reported to W12 that his son, who was also detained with him, had been beaten to death, and the jailers had not done anything to revive him. Prosecutor Havard mentioned another testimony by [redacted name], a commander of the signal unit of the FSA, who reported having been detained for two years and tortured, including with the method of the German chair. This man had been [redacted information] by [redacted name] W11, W12 testified, and had seen torture being inflicted on women detainees. W12 added that a detainee who had undergone an amputation had maggots in his wounds and removed them using the wrought iron of the cell’s door.
Prosecutor Havard requested that a video published on YouTube in 2014, in which Zahran Alloush gave the Friday sermon in front of a class of new recruits, be displayed to the Court. In the video, Zahran Alloush explained the importance of sacrifice, referring to his own son who was 13 years old when he joined Jaysh Al-Islam in Aleppo. Prosecutor Havard directly questioned Majdi N., who declared he had no information about Zahran Alloush’s son and did not know this video. Prosecutor Havard asked Majdi N. if he agreed that laws applicable to armed groups in Syria banned the recruitment of children under 18. Majdi N. replied that only his Counsels could respond to legal issues. When questioned by Presiding Judge Lavergne about recruitment, Majdi N. stressed that he saw posters in Aleppo which expressly mentioned that recruits should be above 18 years old. Presiding Judge Lavergne retorted that no documents in the case file pointed to such age conditions. Majdi N. added that he was still surprised by such accusations against him, since he worked in the media and public relations sector, and not in recruitment.
Defense Counsel’s Questioning of W12
Counsel Ruiz criticized the Prosecution for having added this last video to the case file at a late stage in the proceedings, after five years of investigations. Counsel Ruiz then regretted that W12 dropped many names in the present hearing, which he did not necessarily mention to the Investigative Judge. He further asked W12 how he verified his sources and the identity of the people he interviewed. W12 responded that some were well-known individuals and that many witnesses showed him their identity documents, but some had lost them after many years of war.
Counsel Ruiz asked W12 if he had read the judgment issued against Abu Ali Khabiyeh before transmitting it to the Investigative Judge, and W12 acknowledged he did not. Following up on his answer, Counsel Ruiz wondered how he could affirm in front of this Court that Jaysh Al-Islam had ordered the execution. W12 responded that Jaysh Al-Islam was the faction responsible for Abu Ali Khabiyeh’s arrest and the man reading the sentence, called [redacted name], was known to be a member of Jaysh Al-Islam. W12 concluded that it was Jaysh Al-Islam’s decision to execute Abu Ali Khabiyeh, and noted that the group even released a communiqué on the execution. Counsel Ruiz retorted that W12’s assertion was false, since not all three judges [who signed the judgment] belonged to Jaysh Al-Islam.
Counsel Ruiz then noted that the video showing Abu Ali Khabiyeh playing the piano intended to portray him in favorable light but then requested the screening of another video where he executed someone with a shot to the head. Answering Counsel Ruiz about the publication date of the piano video, W12 said that Jaysh Al-Islam shared it prior to Abu Ali Khabiyeh’s execution and added that the logo of Jaysh Al-Umma appeared on the video. W12 also deplored that Abu Ali Khabiyeh had been executed without judgment and without knowing the accusations all people of the Ghouta could have brought against him.
Shifting to the case of F44, Counsel Ruiz noted that he declared to have been born in 1998 and joined Jaysh Al-Islam in 2014, meaning he was 16 years old and not 14 years old. W12 said that F44 himself told him that he joined Jaysh Al-Islam in 2014 when he was 14 and added that the date of birth mentioned on his Turkish identity card was incorrect.
Counsel Ruiz asked whether F44 recalled having met Majdi N. during his two and a half years of service in Jaysh Al-Islam. W12 said that F44 declared having encountered Majdi N. in 2014, as Majdi N. had come to see F29.
Counsel Ruiz reported the Paris Court of Appeal’s statement that underaged individuals living in Ghouta could not have joined Jaysh Al-Islam voluntarily. W12 responded that he himself did not make such an assertion, stressing that some people were attracted by the Jihad and others enlisted because they were in need. W12 also mentioned a journalist called [redacted name] located in Idlib who covered actualities of Jaysh Al-Islam and who indicated that Islam Alloush was present at the battle of Allah Ghalib الله غالب [Allah Victorious, also called battle Al-Jalad] which took place in Ghouta in 2015. At a later point in the questioning, W12 mentioned a journalist who told him that Majdi N. was present in a barracks in Babesqa بابسقا, close to the city of Sarmada سرمدا, in Idlib governorate.
Responding to Counsel Ruiz, W12 reported that Jaysh Al-Islam was the group which paid the most, but other factions also paid salaries to fighters. W12 clarified that civil organizations gave aid that was not regular, and in contrast, Jaysh Al-Islam paid its fighters monthly. According to W12, the group had up to 20,000 fighters in Ghouta. Counsel Ruiz inquired about the tunnels accessing Ghouta, and W12 confirmed the most important two were the one controlled by Jabhat Al-Nusra and the Islamic Front الجبهة الإسلامية and the other controlled by Faylaq Al-Rahman.
Counsel Kempf asked W12 to detail the cities he stayed in in Ghouta. W12 explained that he first settled in [redacted name] and then moved to Saqba in 2015. Responding to Counsel Kempf, W12 added that the city of Saqba was controlled by several factions of the FSA, and not by Jaysh Al-Islam. W12 reckoned that he did not receive any threats [from Jaysh Al-Islam] but was afraid all the time.
When questioned about the date of the meeting in which W12 saw Majdi N. for the first time, W12 testified it was during the summer of 2013 and confirmed Majdi N. did not speak during the meeting. Regarding the second meeting that took place in late 2013, W12 reported that Majdi N. was head of the southern sector and did not recall if it was sector No. 111 or 133. He later corrected that Majdi N. was not head of this sector but only present there. W12 added that the encounter happened in southern Ghouta, close to Al-Mleiha. As for the third encounter, it took place in Al-Obb, close to Douma.
Counsel Kempf quoted W12’s statement regarding a ransom that Majdi N. had asked from the Aga Khan for the release of two Ismaili prisoners. W12 said he did not express this claim during the meeting where W12 saw him, and detailed that the ransom concerned two people now located in Germany and Sweden. Counsel Kempf interrupted the witness to ask if he had personally seen Majdi N. asking for a ransom. W12 denied.
Proceedings were suspended at 1:15 PM and resumed at 2:16 PM. The Defense Counsels continued the questioning of W12.
Counsel Kempf requested the projection of seven meeting reports which said that Majdi N. was present as a representative of Jaysh Al-Islam. The reports gave information about the following meetings:
1) A meeting dated October 23, 2013 that took place in Bab Al-Hawa باب الهوى in Idlib governorate.
2) A meeting dated December 11, 2013, that took place in Antakya أنطاكية, Turkey. Jaysh Al-Islam’s representatives were [redacted name] F54, [redacted name], and Captain Islam Alloush. The factions represented were Suqqur Al-Sham صقور الشام, Ansar Al-Sham أنصار الشام, Liwa Al-Tawhid لواء التوحيد, etc. Counsel Kempf added that this report was found on Majdi N.’s computer.
3) A meeting dated December 23, 2013, that took place at the headquarters of [redacted name] in Al-Rianiyeh الريحانية, Turkey. Jaysh Al-Islam’s representatives were F54, Captain Islam Alloush, and [redacted name]. The factions represented were Ahrar Al-Sham, Jaysh Al-Islam, Suqqur Al-Sham, etc.
4) An emergency meeting dated December 24, 2013 that took place at the headquarters of [redacted name] in Al-Rianiyeh, Turkey. Jaysh Al-Islam’s representatives were F54, Captain Islam Alloush, [redacted name], and [redacted name].
5) A meeting of the Provisional Media Committe of the Islamic Front that stated that a meeting would take place the next day, on January 2, 2014 at the headquarters of Suqqur Al-Sham in Al-Rianiyeh, Turkey. Jaysh Al-Islam’s representatives at this meeting were Islam Alloush and [redacted name].
6) A meeting dated January 9, 2014 that took place at the headquarters of [redacted name] in Al-Rianiyeh, Turkey. Jaysh Al-Islam’s representatives were F54, Captain Islam Alloush, [redacted name], and [redacted name].
7) A meeting dated February 9, 2014, that took place in Antakya, Turkey.
Civil Parties’ Counsel Zarka requested an official translation of the report, which Presiding Judge Lavergne agreed upon, saying that it was the first time these documents were presented to the Court [i.e. these documents had not been added to the proceedings during the investigation].
Responding to Counsel Kempf, W12 confirmed that he encountered Majdi N. in Al-Sobiyah while he was performing his ablutions. Concerning the above-mentioned reports, W12 could not say what meetings they referred to. Concerning Majdi N.’s alleged crossing of the Syria-Turkey border, W12 stressed that Jaysh Al-Islam had a passage in the East through a smuggler called Mujaddara and controlled other accesses that nobody besides them knew about. W12 added that Zahran Alloush traveled and conducted meetings everywhere in Syria. W12 added that F54 probably was Zahran Alloush’s [redacted information] and underaged at that time. Considering Majdi N.’s assertion that he left Ghouta in May 2013, W12 responded that he heard four witnesses who claimed to have seen Islam Alloush in Ghouta after this date, namely F44, [redacted name] from Douma, who saw Islam Alloush in a sports hall in 2015, [redacted name], who saw Islam Alloush in Douma in 2015, and [redacted name], a commander of the FSA. Counsel Kempf noted that W12 did not mention these individuals to the Investigative Judge. W12 became nervous and declared he would exercise his right to remain silent, to which Presiding Judge Lavergne responded that he was not accused [i.e. had no right to remain silent].
When questioned if he had found a video where Majdi N. appeared in Ghouta after May 2013, W12 responded that he forgot and had the right to forget.
Counsel Kempf then inquired about the story of W12’s nephew [redacted name] F51. W12 specified that F51’s older brother [redacted name] was the one who told him that Islam Alloush trained F51. W12 added that another of their brothers [redacted name] died while serving with Jaysh Al-Islam and stressed that he was probably underaged. Counsel Kempf noted that the only source for his declaration about F51 came from his older brother. When questioned why he did not record F51’s testimony, W12 asserted that F51 stayed in a regime-held area, and he had not had contact with him. W12 added that he usually recorded testimonies to make sure people would afterwards not change their declaration out of fear. Asked whether he himself saw a 12-year-old child being trained by Jaysh Al-Islam, W12 replied that he saw F51’s wound. Counsel Kempf asked if war wounds could also have resulted from the intense bombings targeting Ghouta during all those years. W12 retorted that F51 told him that he was in Jaysh Al-Islam when that happened.
Counsel Kempf declared that W12 was uncertain about most of the information he shared and asked if he had taken a picture of the diploma, or certificate, awarded by Jaysh Al-Islam to F51. W12 asserted that he never spoke about such a diploma.
Counsel Kempf then asked W12 if he at least knew the melody performed by the singer Abu Imad Al-Munshid [in the video of the evening of entertainment where he was chanting in front of a crowd of fighters, see above]. W12 repeated that the second part was Islamist and said that he only knew the first part of the song. Counsel Kempf asserted that this [second part of the] song was well known in the Arab world, and W12 responded that it was used by jihadist factions.
Counsel Kempf then mentioned a singer called [redacted name] who appeared on a picture entitled ‘[redacted name] sings for children in 2013’ and said that he was arrested by Jabhat Al-Nusra because of his affiliation with Jaysh Al-Islam. Counsel Kempf added that he used to sing in demonstrations to express the distress of the population during the siege. W12 responded that the singer [redacted name] supported Jaysh Al-Islam and, in the video, he sang for Liwa Al-Islam. Counsel Kempf further mentioned Abdul Baset As-Sarout [who became well known for his chants during anti-government demonstrations]. He concluded that there was a difference between an evening of entertainment and a recruitment event. At a later stage in the questioning, Counsel Kempf said that one could imagine that [Jaysh Al-Islam] had solely invited a famous signer to organize an evening of entertainment.
Addressing Majdi N., Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if Jaysh Al-Islam established a policy aiming at preventing the sharing of videos of executions. Majdi N. responded that Jaysh Al-Islam did not carry out executions and added that as spokesperson, he heard a lot of problems related to executions. When he was seeking information from Jaysh Al-Islam, Majdi N. reported, he was told that the affair [related to executions] concerned the judicial institution. So, when asked by the media, Majdi N. reported that those questions were not Jaysh Al-Islam’s concern.
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked why the logo of Jaysh Al-Islam was visible [most likely referring to the video of Abu Ali Khabiyeh’s execution]. Majdi N. responded that it was the judiciary’s work to pronounce judgments, and adjudicating over military affairs was the responsibility of factions. However, Majdi N. noted, both systems sometimes overlapped. He added that the Unified Judiciary Council consisted of different factions, and conflicts could emerge over who would control the council.
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked Majdi N. if the Unified Judiciary Council was an independent and impartial institution, to which Majdi N. replied, “It’s a dream in Syria!” [هو حلم]. Presiding Judge Lavergne seemed shocked by his response, and Majdi N. clarified saying that it was an objective, stressing that factions tried to create a unified judiciary. Presiding Judge Lavergne responded that what interested him was reality and not dreams.
Presiding Judge Lavergne noted Majdi N.’s declaration that he was not in charge of communicating on justice-related matters but asked if he knew that executions existed. Majdi N. said that according to the media, they did exist, adding “Why should I communicate about an execution taking place in Iraq?” when it does not concern Jaysh Al-Islam. Visibly irritated, Presiding Judge Lavergne asked how Majdi N. could pretend that the execution of Abu Ali Khabiyeh, ISIS’s members, etc., did not concern Jaysh Al-Islam. Majdi N. argued that Jaysh Al-Islam participated in the creation of the Unified Judiciary Council, just like all other factions did, beside Al-Qaeda. He added that Jaysh Al-Islam created another entity that carried out police and judicial activities. According to Majdi N., the decisions of the Unified Judiciary Council did not fall under the sole responsibility of Jaysh Al-Islam. He then amended, saying that it had nothing to do with Jaysh Al-Islam [لا علاقة بجيش الاسلام].
Majdi N. added that the first judge appointed in the Unified Judiciary Council, [redacted name] F35, was Jaysh Al-Islam’s worst enemy. What this judge did was not Jaysh Al-Islam’s responsibility, Majdi N. argued. Presiding Judge Lavergne retorted that F35 had been the victim of an assassination attempt and asked who could be behind it. Majdi N. said he did not know, and believed that even F35 did not know. Majdi N. claimed that many of Jaysh Al-Islam’s members also faced assassination attempts. Presiding Judge Lavergne emphasized that many people had accused Jaysh Al-Islam of trying to kill its opponents, including civilians, and asked Majdi N. if he raised an alert to condemn such practices. Majdi N. deplored that all exculpatory evidence had not been added to his case file. He stressed that after Jaysh Al-Islam had arrested more than 1,000 ISIS members, their relatives necessarily took a stand against the group responsible for their arrest. Majdi N. compared this situation to that of French ISIS members arrested by the French judicial system, stressing that their families also pretended that France was acting against Islam. Majdi N. concluded that families do not understand crimes committed by their own children.
Presiding Judge Lavergne asked what Majdi N. did in response to the people’s outrage [against Jaysh Al-Islam]. Majdi N. said that he published a short tweet on the protests in Saqba saying, “May Jaysh Al-Islam protect them.” The fact that people were demonstrating was positive, and Jaysh Al-Islam did nothing to disperse protesters. Presiding Judge Lavergne asked if Jaysh Al-Islam should be considered a tolerant movement that accepted protests, which Majdi N. confirmed. Defense Counsel Kempf added that the group did not shoot at protesters.
W12 intervened to argue that Jaysh Al-Islam was not appreciated by the people of Saqba and only had a small branch there, so they could do nothing against protesters. W12 then mentioned [redacted name], who in late 2012 and early 2013 was head of the Ghouta religious council. This individual reportedly joined Jaysh Al-Islam because they had put explosives in his car. W12 also reported that after Razan Zeitouneh’s kidnapping, all factions convened a meeting to determine who was responsible, and only Jabhat Al-Nusra and Jaysh Al-Islam did not send representatives.
Defense Counsel Ruiz considered that Presiding Judge Lavergne’s questioning of Majdi N. ignored the state of the siege and was somewhat simplistic, considering the situation in Ghouta. He added that Presiding Judge Lavergne was simplifying the Accused’s testimony by saying that Jaysh Al-Islam was “tolerant” toward the protests. Counsel Ruiz expressed his feeling that such simplifications did not help to uncover the truth.
Proceedings were suspended at 3:49 PM.
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