Inside the Majdi N. Trial #14: Testimonies of Syrian Witnesses on Jaysh Al-Islam's Responsibility in Kidnapping the “Douma Four”
TRIAL OF MAJDI N.
Court of Assize – Paris, France
Trial Monitoring Summary #14
Hearing Date: May 13, 2025
CAUTION: Some testimony may include graphic descriptions of torture, rape or other violent acts.
Note that this summary is not a verbatim transcript of the trial; it is merely an unofficial summary of the proceedings.
Throughout this summary, [information located in brackets are notes from our trial monitor] and “information placed in quotes are statements made by the witness, judges or counsel.” The names and identifying information of witnesses have been redacted.
[Note: SJAC provides a summary of the proceedings while redacting certain details to protect witness privacy and to preserve the integrity of the trial.]
[Note: Rather than publishing the trial reports of the Majdi N. case in chronological order, SJAC has organized them thematically and coherently based on the content of the hearings, making the material more accessible by highlighting key issues and connections across the proceedings.]
SJAC’s 14th trial monitoring report details parts of day 7 (afternoon) of the trial of Majdi N. in Paris, France. On this trial day, W9 was present in court, but his brother W10, had declined to appear, reportedly out of fear. Consequently, W10’s statement before the Investigative Judge was read aloud in court. Both were initially Civil Parties to the case but withdrew after the charge of enforced disappearance was dismissed by the Court of Appeal (see Trial Report #2).
W9 was particularly close to two of the four Syrian activists (F21 and F23) known as the “Douma four” who were kidnapped in December 2013. He shared several elements that, in his view, undoubtedly pointed to Jaysh Al-Islam's responsibility. W9 also accused Jaysh Al-Islam of assassinating Mohamed Flitani, an iconic figure from the initial revolutionary demonstrations in Douma. W9 explained that he knew the families Alloush علوش and Kaakeh كعكة before 2011, because they all lived in the same neighborhood in Douma, and reported that even at that time, Zahran Alloush showed intolerance toward non-religious people.
W10 relayed his memory of an encounter in 2013 with Jaysh Al-Islam's Judge F28, member of the Shura Council in Douma. At this occasion, W10, Razan Zeitouneh and W17, asked for permission to visit Jaysh Al-Islam's prisons, but were refused.
Day 7 – May 13, 2025
Afternoon Session
Proceedings began at 2:15 PM.
Preliminary Testimony by W9
[Redacted name] W9 was previously registered as a Civil Party to the case and confirmed he now wanted to be heard as a witness, pursuant to the discretionary authority of the Presiding Judge. [According to Article 310 of the French Code of Criminal Procedure, the Presiding Judge may, during the proceedings, call and hear any person whose testimony is deemed useful in establishing the truth. As they are not sworn in, their statements are regarded merely as informational and do not carry the same probative value as formal witness testimony.]
W9 said that he was from Douma and moved to Damascus in October 2012. He ultimately left Syria in the middle of 2014. In Douma, he was [redacted information] a private school that operated like a regular one, despite the regime not granting them permission to officially open a school.
W9 shared his memories of the first demonstrations in Douma in March 2011 and relayed that people from religious, secular, communist, liberal, or apolitical backgrounds participated and shared a common opposition to the regime. W9 believed that Jaysh Al-Islam was responsible for the death of Mohamed Flitani محمد فليطاني, F33, who led the first demonstrations in Douma and was killed in May 2014. W9 also mentioned [redacted name], who guided the first demonstrations and was killed by the regime.
Presiding Judge Lavergne inquired about amnesties granted by the Syrian regime. W9 believed they were never general but rather exceptional measures granted to specific categories of prisoners, such as Islamist detainees from Sednaya prison. These measures never targeted individuals involved in organizing demonstrations.
W9 reported that, for a long time, demonstrations in Douma had no religious character, but Islamist trends eventually began to emerge. As a result, both the Syrian revolutionary flag and the religious flag bearing the slogan “There is no god but God" [i.e the Shahada] surfaced, and conflicts between Islamist groups and secular protesters arose. However, W9 noted that Douma could not be reduced to just these two groups; there were also ordinary people who did not belong to any ideology.
W9 described how, from April 2011, the regime began repressing demonstrations, particularly targeting funeral ceremonies for demonstrators who had already been killed. He asserted that the primary aim of the regime was to transform peaceful protests into armed uprisings.
W9 explained that he knew Islamist leaders in Douma, and particularly Zahran Alloush [redacted information]. W9 recounted that Zahran Alloush often traveled to Saudi Arabia to study. Once, W9 recalled, Zahran Alloush heard music in a neighbor’s house and called him an infidel. W9 said that Zahran Alloush also used to throw stones through windows to urge people to turn off the radio. When they didn’t respond, he would play a recording of the Quran to drown out the music.
W9 relayed that when armed factions emerged, Abu Ali Khabiyeh أبو علي خبية, F34 was a leading figure [Abu Ali Khabiyeh became commander of the Douma Shield Battalions, which belonged to the Douma Martyrs Brigade لواء شهداء دوما, which itself was affiliated with the Free Syrian Army. A video of his execution by Jaysh Al-Islam was shown during Majdi N.’s trial, and the circumstances of his execution extensively debated. See, among others, Trial Report #16]. At that time, the regime controlled all entrances to the city of Douma and attempted to regain full control of the city by conducting military operations and arresting activists. According to W9, this contributed to the fortification of Islamist organizations.
Asked about his links to Majdi N., W9 testified that he did not know him personally but knew he was spokesperson of Jaysh Al-Islam and worked under the supervision of Zahran Alloush and [redacted name] F28. In 2012, W9 started working in humanitarian aid with the four Syrian activists known as the “Douma four” [F21, F22, F23, F24], [redacted information].
W9 relayed that F23 was arrested at the beginning of the revolution and detained for 60 days. After his release, he started organizing demonstrations with the local revolutionary committee. F23 was in Damascus, but his activity remained in Douma, so he moved there at the end of 2012 [redacted information]. W9 testified that his role was to go to F23’s place to collect the money intended for purchasing food supplies and to distribute it across the different regions. W9 said that they often had to deal with factions at the entrances to Douma, who would demand money in exchange for letting the convoys pass. W9 reported that F23 and Razan Zeitouneh رزان زيتونة, F21, were regularly approached by Jaysh Al-Islam, who asked them for a share of the money they collected to purchase food supplies. Presiding Judge Lavergne asked how he obtained this information, and W9 explained that F23 told him that on Skype. W9 affirmed he was certain the “Douma four” had been kidnapped by Jaysh Al-Islam.
W9 recounted that he himself was detained by the Syrian regime from February to June 2014 in Al-Mayssat الميسات Political Security Branch in Damascus. Questioned by Presiding Judge Lavergne, W9 explained that the Political Security Branch belonged to the Ministry of Interior. W9 described several methods of torture and testified that he had been tied by the hands and hung from the ceiling, a method known as Shabeh [شبح Eng.: the Ghost]. W9 reported that he left for Lebanon a month after his release and arrived in France in 2018.
Presiding Judge Lavergne questioned W9 about the Violation Documentation Center (VDC) created by Mazen Darwish, W19. W9 explained that once Mr. Darwish got arrested, Razan Zeitouneh رزان زيتونة and her colleagues took over the documentation task. In this context, they visited prisons, such as the one run by faction Faylaq Al-Rahman فيلق الرحمن led by [redacted name], F3. According to W9, Razan Zeitouneh asked to visit prisons controlled by Jaysh Al-Islam, including former school Ahmad Al-Shami أحمد الشامي which was turned into a women’s prison, and the At-Tawba التوبة prison. W9 also related that his brother [redacted name] W10 requested permission to visit (see below).
Considering the reason behind Razan Zeitouneh’s arrest by Jaysh Al-Islam, W9 assumed that her documentation on the chemical attacks around Douma played a significant role, as it drew the attention of the international community. Consequently, the Syrian army exerted pressure on Jaysh Al-Islam. Moreover, Razan Zeitouneh intended to create a civil police and school that would be independent from factions. W9 believed that Razan Zeitouneh was both threatened by Jaysh Al-Islam and the regime but was not in conflict with other factions inside Ghouta. W9 mentioned an article Ms. Zeitouneh wrote on her encounter with Abu Ali Khabiyeh, with whom she had no conflict.
W9 also believed that Razan Zeitouneh was in serious conflict with Jaysh Al-Islam because she was secular and advocated for freedom. According to W9, local people gradually gathered around her, as she helped many individuals and, unlike Jaysh Al-Islam, distributed food supplies indiscriminately. W9 also mentioned that when Razan Zeitouneh was arrested, Jaysh Al-Islam member [redacted name] F38 fired shots at her gate. Presiding Judge Lavergne specified that this individual was later tried by Jaysh Al-Islam’s judge [redacted name] F35. W9 added that Razan Zeitouneh also faced criticism from Jaysh Al-Islam, which labeled her an infidel and attempted to pressure women working with her to abandon her.
W9 added that the siege inflicted on civilians in Ghouta was not only caused by the regime but was also exploited by Jaysh Al-Islam. He relayed that in 2018, a severe famine forced civilians to break into Jaysh Al-Islam’s warehouses and there, they found hundreds of tons of food products of which the faction deprived the people.
W9 asserted that Jaysh Al-Islam conducted targeted assassinations against opponents in Douma to impose their power. According to him, they started with kidnapping the “Douma four,” then killed Mr. Flitani, and tried to kill F35 and [redacted name] F36 [head of Douma Martyrs’ Brigade لواء شهداء دوما and [redacted information] of Liwa Al-Umma]. Jaysh Al-Islam also killed Abu Ali Khabiyeh and his son. W9 recalled that F36 was arrested by Jaysh Al-Islam and released because of the pressure exerted by civilians.
Reading of W10’s deposition before the Investigative Judge
Presiding Judge Lavergne read the testimony of [redacted name], W10, before the Investigative where he said to have arrived in Douma in April 2013. There, he and the two Syrian activists Razan Zeitouneh and [redacted name] W17 requested to visit a former prison turned into a police station under Jaysh Al-Islam. W10 declared that they were received by [redacted name] F37, a former officer of the Syrian regime who joined Jaysh Al-Islam and became [redacted information]. During the meeting, F37 was assisted by a man called [redacted name]. W10 relayed that the interview went relatively well at first, but after five minutes, a third person called [redacted name] suddenly entered the office, visibly angry, and shouted at them, asking who they were and whether they had been sent by the Americans to work on human rights. Presiding Judge Lavergne commented that this person might have been [redacted name], F29. W10 reported that F29 urged them to direct any requests to the president of the Shura Council مجلس الشورى, an Islamist institution of both religious and judicial nature, reportedly headed by three judges.
The Shura Council was located next to the police station in a former girls’ school, W10 reported, and Jaysh Al-Islam had converted the cellar of the building into a prison for women. W10 went there with Razan Zeitouneh, W17, and F37’s assistant. They met with F28, and asked him for authorization to visit the prison of Douma. Judge F28 expressed his surprise, emphasizing that they were Muslims, and that it was unthinkable that people of God would mistreat detainees. He also asked on behalf of which entity they intended to visit the prisoners, and W10 replied that they were engaged in the field of human rights. F28 responded that it was unacceptable for any non-Islamic entity to monitor their work or judge what they were doing. Then, F28 explicitly threatened Razan Zeitouneh and W17 with expulsion from Douma.
When W10 explained that Razan Zeitouneh was the one who ought to make the visit, F28 claimed she was a “Safera” سافرة—a term used to describe an unveiled woman—and that she would be far too physically attractive for men in detention. Consequently, F28 rejected Razan Zeitouneh’s request to visit the prison. As for W10 and W17, F28 said he would make security checks on them before granting them access to the prison. That seemed absurd to W10, since they all came from the same neighborhood in Douma and were opponents of the Syrian regime.
Two days later, F37 and his assistant visited Razan Zeitouneh in her office, primarily to apologize for the way in which [redacted name] [in the description of this scene by another witness, the Presiding Judge alleged this individual was F29] had burst into the room. They expressed understanding toward the human rights activists’ approach but explained that it was challenging to convey such ideas to Islamists. They invited Razan Zeitouneh to submit a formal written request outlining the purpose of the visit, saying that they would respond in due course. However, the response never came.
Civil Parties’ Counsels’ Questioning of W9
Counsel Bailly asked what elements made W9 believe that Jaysh Al-Islam was behind the kidnapping. First, W9 reminded that Jaysh Al-Islam’s member [redacted name], F38 had been accused of the abduction and that the abduction took place in an area held by the group. Moreover, IT technicians managed to geolocate Razan Zeitouneh’s computer and phone that had been stolen by the abductors, showing that her devices were in a prison held by Jaysh Al-Islam. IT technicians also found out that a person from Jaysh Al-Islam’s media office had connected to her computer. In addition, W9 testified that Razan Zeitouneh’s work both on documenting human rights violations and distributing food to the population undermined the authority Jaysh Al-Islam sought to maintain over Ghouta. To W9, Jaysh Al-Islam’s refusal to share any information regarding the abduction was also itself suspicious.
After explaining why charges of enforced disappearance against Majdi N. were dropped [see Trial Report #2], Counsel Bailly asked whether kidnappings were a common practice by Jaysh Al-Islam. W9 denied this and declared that assassinations were much more common. In W9’s view, making these four people disappear became a heavy burden to bear for Jaysh Al-Islam, and that is why they shifted their modus operandi towards assassinations.
Comparing disappearances to other crimes, W9 said that torture targeted only one individual and was over once the person was released. But enforced disappearance was committed against a person, his close ones, and the whole society, and W9’s suffering has lasted for 14 years since [redacted information] [redacted name], F23 had disappeared.
Counsel Bailly recapped that the Council of the Mujaheddins [fighters] governed from March until October 2013 and was linked to the Shura Council created in 2013. Counsel Bailly further explained that the Shura Council was an advisory religious body headed by Zahran Alloush tasked with interpreting and implementing Sharia. In June 2014, he continued, the Unified Judiciary Council was created. W9 responded that the Shura Council was like a Parliament, and the Unified Judiciary Council was like a Ministry of Justice. In his view, all these councils fell under the authority of Jaysh Al-Islam.
Counsel Bailly requested the screening of a video interview of Razan Zeitouneh. He then asked W9 what he expected from this trial. W9 hoped to gain clarity on the facts and that this trial would pave the way for justice in Syria.
Prosecution's Questioning of W9
Prosecutor Thouault first inquired about the role of Mr. Flitani in the Syrian revolution. W9 confirmed he was an important figure of the peaceful revolt and detailed his functions.
Prosecutor Thouault then mentioned W9’s testimony about Jaysh Al-Islam’s responsibility for the famine that affected Ghouta and referenced several articles by Swedish researcher Aron Lund detailing how the group used to control food imports via tunnels. W9 replied that Jaysh Al-Islam had control, but not a monopoly, over food imports, because certain tunnels were under the control of other factions such as Faylaq Al-Rahman. On the same subject, Prosecutor Thouault requested the screening of a video dated December 2017 showing civilians entering a warehouse of Jaysh Al-Islam in Aleppo and discovering humanitarian aid parcels. W9 only confirmed the people spoke with an accent from Aleppo and that the logo of Jaysh Al-Islam was visible in the video.
Questioned about the relation of the Kaakeh كعكة and Alloush علوش families who both lived in W9’s neighborhood, W9 replied that he had heard about a marriage between two individuals of both families.
Responding to Prosecutor Thouault, W9 detailed how he’d organized the shipment of food parcels from Damascus to various locations in the country, including Douma, until his arrest in February 2014. W9 relayed they sometimes had to pass regime checkpoints. W9 further explained that Razan Zeitouneh and [redacted name] distributed food instinctively to everyone in need, whereas Jaysh Al-Islam distributed supplies to everyone but with certain conditions. For instance, they distributed potatoes to those who attended the dawn prayer.
Prosecutor Thouault asked W9 whether he could return to Syria, and W9 replied that the presence of Jaysh Al-Islam in the Ministry of Defense exposed him to significant risks. He confirmed that his brother W10 declined to testify before the court out of fear of Jaysh Al-Islam who has regained influence in Douma. W9 testified that after the arrest of Jaysh Al-Islam’s leader Issam Al-Buwaydani in the United Arab Emirates [in April 2025], protesters gathered in Douma and Damascus to ask for his release since Jaysh Al-Islam was now part of the new system.
Defense Counsel’s Questioning of W9
Counsel Kempf stressed that no investigation pointed to the fact that Mr. Flitani had been murdered and added that Majdi N. was not accused of this crime. Counsel Kempf further noted that a distinct war crime criminalizing the deliberate starvation of civilians as a method of warfare existed in French law, which Majdi N. was, however, not accused of.
Responding to Counsel Kempf, W9 explained that he withdrew as a Civil Party after the charge of enforced disappearance was dismissed and said that the complaint he filed in 2019 focused on the disappearance of [redacted information] F23 and [redacted information] Razan Zeitouneh. Counsel Kempf stressed that as terrible as this event may be, it was not being judged by this Court today. While the group was indeed found guilty of the kidnapping in the decision of the Court of Appeal, Counsel Kempf added that the Accused himself was not held responsible for that (see Trial Report #2).
Counsel Kempf referenced a list of hundreds of Revolutionary slogans, including “Allah is greater than the tyrant," which according to W9 was an old slogan people said even before the revolution.
Counsel Kempf then mentioned a report by the VDC describing prisons in four different cities of Eastern Ghouta. He emphasized that none of them concerned Jaysh Al-Islam and that the first one located in Douma was managed by [the rebel group] Liwa Shuhada Douma لواء شهداء دوما. Counsel Kempf asked why W9 had filed a complaint against Jaysh Al-Islam for acts of torture, but not against Liwa Shuhada Douma. W9 said he did not know. W9 said that he had not witnessed the recruitment of young people by Jaysh Al-Islam.
Counsel Ruiz mentioned confessional schools in Eastern Ghouta, and W9 clarified that before he left Douma in October 2012, the schools belonged to the regime’s Ministry of Education, and Jaysh Al-Islam did not interfere. The idea of choosing schools based on religious affinity did not exist at that time, W9 said. However, after it took control over the region, Jaysh Al-Islam sought to impose its ideology, and Razan Zeitouneh had a project to develop a school curriculum independent of this group, W9 pointed out. When asked if all children were forced to attend Jaysh Al-Islam’s schools, W9 answered that, to his knowledge, all schools were under Jaysh Al-Islam's control, by force of circumstances. W9 then explained that in addition to religious teachings, schools controlled by Jaysh Al-Islam followed the standard curriculum.
Counsel Ruiz asked whether, in W9’s view, people who demonstrated carrying the Shahada flag instead of the revolutionary one were not to be considered revolutionaries. W9 responded that they were indeed opponents, but in their own ways. Counsel Ruiz then referenced a book by non-Syrian authors where it was said that the flag with the Shahada in white letters on a black background was interpreted by Westerners as a symbol of jihad, but in reality, it was employed by armed factions that were not necessarily radical. W9 responded that the flag with the Shahada in white letters on a black background belonged to ISIS, but the flag shown in Douma had a white background and black letters. Asked if it was possible to be an opponent and demonstrate with a religious banner, W9 confirmed, adding that it was possible to be an opponent and a tyrant at the same time.
Asked about the beginning of the siege of Ghouta, W9 testified that it started at the end of 2013. Counsel Ruiz stressed the importance of discussing food deprivation, because it was used by the [French] judges who indicted Majdi N. to indicate that all minors over the age of 15 would necessarily have been recruited by Jaysh Al-Islam under duress, since there was no other choice. W9 replied that the regime laid this siege, but Jaysh Al-Islam exploited it and took it as an opportunity to gather support.
Counsel Ruiz mentioned a book by Syrian author Majd Al-Dik, where the author referred to a person called [redacted name], F39, whose alias was the “King of Cheese” and who was responsible of distributing food parcels in Douma. Counsel Ruiz pointed out that F39 turned into a war profiteer who decided to sell and trade only with certain people. W9 testified that F39 acted under control of Jaysh Al-Islam. Counsel Ruiz referenced an article by Swedish researcher Aron Lund that was based on a report by the London School of Economics in asking if food deprivation was attributable solely to Jaysh Al-Islam. W9 said he had no information about other factions but knew that civil organizations willing to assume the role [of distributing food] would move to the region under the control of Faylaq Al-Rahman [where it was easier to work].
Counsel Ruiz mentioned the report released by the Toran Center on the disappearance of the “Douma four” (see Trial Report #13) and asked if W9 believed Jaysh Al-Islam had given a response on this act. W9 seemed to not be aware of this report.
Presiding Judge Lavergne announced that after the break, the film Silvered Water, Syria Self-Portrait ماء الفضة, would be displayed in court.
Proceedings were suspended at 6:22 PM.